Ed Money Watch

A Blog from New America's Federal Education Budget Project

Assessing the Progress of Race to the Top

  • By
  • Jennifer Cohen Kabaker
July 12, 2011

Race to the Top, a $4 billion competitive grant program created by the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 to encourage states to undertake systemic education reform, has been the topic of much celebration—and scrutiny. At first, many heralded the program as one of the most effective school reform efforts ever passed by Congress. After the program was enacted, states legislatures made a number of historic changes to education policies to qualify for the funds. Now, many stakeholders think the program represents excessive federal meddling in education that will likely waste billions of dollars. Until now, it’s been difficult to assess the progress of the 12 states that won Race to the Top (RttT) grants. However, the Government Accountability Office recently released a report that provides an important look into what states are doing with their funds.

In the past, Ed Money Watch has used data on how states have drawn down funds to assess progress on various programs including RttT. The GAO report does the same but is able to examine draw-downs based on the amount each state budgeted to spend in the first year of its RttT grant.

GAO finds that most states had barely scratched the surface of their year-1 funds as of June 3rd 2011. Delaware and Tennessee, the two Phase One winners, have drawn down 36 and 50 percent, respectively since they received their awards in March of 2010. These states have had access to the funds for nearly a year, giving them quite a head start. Of the 10 states in Phase Two, however, only four have drawn down more than 10 percent of their year 1 funds since August of 2010 – the District of Columbia, Florida, Massachusetts, and North Carolina.

The GAO finds many reasons for this slow rate of spending. Primarily, many states have found that their original timelines were “overly optimistic” and have had to rework the planned roll out of different efforts. Similarly, some states have had to shift their budgets to accommodate unanticipated salary requirements for the employees they need to carry out their proposals. Other states have had trouble awarding contracts for work associated with their RttT grant proposals because crafting the necessary Request for Proposals documents has proven cumbersome. Every time a state changes its budget or timeline, the Department of Education must review and approve the change. This process is also taking longer than officials anticipated, perhaps due to the higher than expected number of changes states have submitted.

The GAO report also provides details on what sorts of activities states are spending their grants on as dictated by their grant proposals. Of the $4 billion awarded, half will support state activities (as opposed to school district activities, which are outside the scope of the report) under the four areas for reform outlined in the program. States will spend 33 percent ($654.1 million) of these funds on developing effective teachers and leaders. These activities can include professional development, new evaluation systems, or training teachers to incorporate data into instruction.

States will spend 24 percent ($478.5 million) on improving struggling schools. Many states are using these funds to create state-operated school districts that will absorb each state’s lowest performing schools and oversee their improvement. These districts will have more flexibility and autonomy in addition to extra resources.

States will spend 18 percent ($353.4 million) to expand student data systems, 16 percent ($312.5 million) to enhance standards and assessments, and 10 percent ($193.9 million) on other activities like support for charter schools.

Ultimately, the GAO concludes that while states have been able to adjust their timelines and budgets in response to challenges, these short-term delays may lead to larger problems. The agency says that the Department of Education should do more to ensure that states meet their deadlines and work harder to approve changes quickly. Additionally, the GAO encourages the Department of Education to increase opportunities for grantees to share promising practices as they implement their grant activities.

This GAO report is likely the first in a series of deep dives focusing on states’ RttT efforts, including a required Department of Education impact evaluation study. Until these reports are available, this GAO report provides some of the most in-depth information available on what states are actually doing with their RttT funds. Based on the evidence available, it is still too early to declare RttT a success or a failure. However, it is clear that the program is already facing roadblocks in implementation. Hopefully this information, coupled with on-going tracking of implementation challenges will inform future iterations of RttT including the upcoming Race to the Top Early Learning Challenge grant competition.

Friday News Roundup: Week of July 4-8

  • By
  • Clare McCann
July 8, 2011

Maine Governor LePage signs education funding reform bill into law

UNC system lines up budget cuts

Illinois veto raises questions as new school year nears

South Carolina Education Department cuts 50 jobs

Maine Governor LePage signs education funding reform bill into law
A new education bill in Maine, signed into law by Governor Paul LePage this week, overhauls the state’s school funding formula. The new formula will provide additional funding to rural school districts in the state. President of the State Senate Kevin Raye, heralding the bill’s passage in a ceremony with the governor, approximated that beginning in the 2012-2013 school year, rural Down East districts will receive an additional $1.5 million annually. The measure replaces the current state reimbursement structure, based on the labor market in the community, with a more equitable one that accounts for the population’s income as well as property values in each district. The law also increases the staffing ratio in small schools by 10 percent to allow rural districts to hire more teachers. More here…

UNC system lines up budget cuts
When North Carolina lawmakers passed the state’s fiscal year 2012 budget, they included a $414 million budget cut to University of North Carolina campuses in the steep education spending cuts. The UNC system was responsible for splitting that cut among the 16 campuses. The allocation of the cuts, revealed this week by the UNC Board of Governors, leaves the Chapel Hill flagship campus to shoulder the biggest loss – over $100 million this year, accounting for 18 percent of the campus’s total budget. Other state schools have lost funding, as well; Winston-Salem State University will lose nearly 14 percent of its budget this year, adding to a total loss of $31 million in state budget cuts over the last four years. Colleges are responding by cutting course offerings and faculty positions across the state. More here…

Illinois veto raises questions as new school year nears
Illinois Governor Pat Quinn last week vetoed $9.1 million in spending to pay the salaries for Illinois’ 44 elected regional education superintendents and their staffs, and cut an additional $2.2 million designated for the operation of those offices. He did not, however, include plans for other state education employees to take over the superintendents’ responsibilities. Regional superintendents run numerous oversight activities, including school safety inspections, employee background checks, and GED programs. School administrators are concerned with ensuring the work is completed, and have asked for clarification. The governor’s budget office has said it will examine the issue and provide more information, and Quinn has suggested the superintendents should be paid through local taxes. The dispute will not be resolved until at least October, when the legislature returns to session; in the meantime, superintendents are expected to work without pay, at least unless a lawsuit is filed. More here…

South Carolina Education Department cuts 50 jobs
South Carolina Superintendent of Education Mick Zais is leading an aggressive effort to restructure and consolidate the state’s education department. The layoffs – 50 staff members have left or been let go since May – are part of Zais’ plan to increase the efficiency of the agency, as well as a response to fiscal year 2012 budget cuts that came earlier this summer. The employees comprised almost 13 percent of agency non-transportation staff, leaving schools and parents concerned about students’ education. The state’s 456 transportation employees could also be at risk for layoffs, though; Governor Nikki Haley, along with Zais, is considering privatizing the state’s school bus system. More here…

Competition Between GEAR UP and TRIO’s Talent Search Have Left Both Programs at a Standstill

  • By
  • Stephen Burd
July 7, 2011

At Ed Money Watch, we have written recently about how federal programs that aim to raise the college aspirations of low-income student lack coordination and suffer from significant redundancies. Of all these efforts, GEAR UP and Talent Search (part of the long-standing TRIO programs), have the greatest overlap. While there are significant differences between the two programs, they both provide college outreach services to low-income students at middle schools and high schools. Each works closely with students to prepare for college admissions tests, and helps them fill out college applications forms and obtain financial aid.

They also share something else in common: budget troubles. Since the creation of the GEAR UP program in 1998, these programs have had to compete for resources out of the same pot of funding (the annual Labor, Health and Human Services, and Education appropriations legislation) -- and neither program has fared particularly well over the last decade. In fact, the competition between these programs has pretty much left them both at a standstill.

Talent Search is a product of President Lyndon Johnson’s “Great Society” initiative, which sought to curb poverty and give all citizens an equal opportunity for success. Established in 1965, as part of the original Higher Education Act, Talent Search identifies disadvantaged middle-school and high-school students with “college potential” and encourages them to pursue a higher education.

In 1998, Congress created GEAR UP largely as an alternative to the TRIO program. The Clinton administration and GEAR UP’s champions in Congress felt that Talent Search was too limited in its scope and reach to make a meaningful difference for most low-income students. The aim of GEAR UP, which is primarily made up of school-college partnerships, is to provide counseling, mentoring, academic support, and college outreach services to entire grades of students, starting in middle school. Unlike Talent Search, GEAR UP aims to make lasting changes in the middle schools and high schools the students attend. For example, the partnering colleges are expected to work with schools to overhaul curricula and provide professional development activities for teachers.

In terms of funding, the GEAR UP program got off to an auspicious start. The program initially received $120 million, and by the time President Clinton left office, it was up to $295 million. But the program’s budget has barely budged over the last decade. Appropriators did provide the program with small bumps up over the last two years, to $323 million in 2010. The final fiscal year 2011 spending bill, however, cut the program’s budget back to $303 million, the level it was funded at from 2005 to 2009.

The Talent Search program has fared even worse. While the program received a boost in the first year of the Bush administration, from $110 million to $143 million, its budget has remained flat ever since. And the final budget deal for 2011 reduced spending on the program even further, although the Department has not yet revealed how the $25-million cut that the TRIO programs sustained has been divided among the programs.

To some extent, the programs’ fiscal woes can be tied to the Pell Grant's budget problems. As the cost of even maintaining the maximum Pell Grant at its current level has exploded, Congress has had little new discretionary money to spend on the other federal higher education programs.

But it hasn’t helped that the two competing college outreach programs generally serve the same purpose. Ever since President Clinton left office, administration officials and lawmakers have been loathe to favor one program over the other, as they both have strong constituencies fighting for them. The uneasy relationship between these programs has, in fact, left policymakers looking for alternative approaches to achieving the same goals.

The Bush administration, for example, repeatedly called on Congress to kill both of these programs, as well as TRIO’s Upward Bound program, and devote the savings to support its efforts to reform high schools. Under President Bush’s proposal, states would have been able to use this money to provide interventions of their choosing to help high school students who were struggling academically. The plan never went anywhere, and the administration eventually dropped it.

In 2007, Congress created an entirely new college outreach effort, the College Access Challenge Grant program. While the program was initially modestly funded, Congress chose to dramatically expand it last year with $750 million in non-discretionary spending over five years. Unlike TRIO and GEAR UP, the challenge grant program allows states to decide how to spend the money for these purposes. The program, however, gives states such wide latitude to choose among a variety of activities that it is unclear whether it will be effective overall. In addition, the dedicated funding stream Congress gave the program expires in 2014, so it’s unclear whether it will continue beyond that time.

As we have said before, the fractured nature of these federal college readiness programs has made it harder for the government to carry out the Higher Education Act’s goals. If policymakers still believe that raising the college aspirations and improving the academic preparation of disadvantaged students serves an important public policy purpose, they not only need to develop a coherent and coordinated strategy, but they also need to provide the funding necessary to carry it out effectively.

Check back with Ed Money Watch in the coming weeks as we take a closer look at the strengths and weakness of each of the federal government's college outreach and early intervention programs.

States Lagging in Drawing Down ARRA Title I and IDEA Funds

  • By
  • Jennifer Cohen Kabaker
July 5, 2011

Last Friday, July 1st, marked the beginning of fiscal year 2012 for many states. For all states, it marked the beginning of the last quarter of federal fiscal year 2011 – the final three months that most funds from the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 will be available. Last month we wrote that many states have or almost have spent all of their State Fiscal Stabilization Funds. Unfortunately, that is not the case for the additional Title I and Individuals with Disabilities Act (IDEA) funding provided through the ARRA.

According to data made available by the Department of Education, not a single state had drawn down 100 percent of either its Title I or IDEA funds as of June 24th. However, some states are close; seven states have drawn down more than 90 percent of their Title I funds and 12 have drawn down more than 90 percent of their IDEA funds. States, like Connecticut, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, North Carolina, and Vermont, that have drawn down more than 90 percent of funds from both sources, will most likely expend all of the funds before they expire on September 30th, 2011.

But what about the other states? Several states are not even close to spending all of their Title I or IDEA ARRA funds. Seven states have drawn down less than 70 percent of their Title I funds – the District of Columbia, Hawaii, Nebraska, New Hampshire, Utah, Virginia, and Wyoming. Hawaii has drawn down the lowest percent – 43.4 percent of its $33.2 million allocation – meaning the state has less then three months to drawn down more than half of its funds. With the exception of Wyoming, these states have all faced sizeable budget shortages in the past two fiscal years. While this would suggest that these states would have spent the money quickly, that is apparently not the case. This may be due to the way the states distributed the funds, whether the states receive the funds via reimbursement, or other budgetary constraints that limited the way districts could spend the funds.

Six states have drawn down less than 70 percent of their IDEA funds, including Delaware, Nebraska, New Mexico, Utah, Virginia, and Wyoming. Utah has expended the smallest percent at 55.3 percent of its $105.5 million allocation. An additional 9 states have only drawn down between 70 and 75 percent of their funds.

One state stands out in both of these lists – Virginia. According to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, Virginia faced a 13.8 percent budget gap in fiscal year 2009 and a 24.1 percent gap in 2010. Why, then, has the state lagged behind many others facing similar gaps in the draw down of both Title I and IDEA funds?

Though the Title I and IDEA funds are more limited in their approved uses than the SFSF monies, it is surprising that so many states still have significant portions of their allocations so close to the end of the federal year. This is particularly true for Title I funds, which can be used for most educational expenditures targeted at low-income students. Similarly, districts could opt to repurpose half of any surplus IDEA funds for general education expenditures if they could not find uses for the funds specific to special education. This flexibility should have ensured a swift expenditure of these funds.

The final fiscal quarter spans the summer months, when educational expenditures slow down considerably. Unless these states are launching major educational efforts over the summer or plan to conserve these funds until September, when school starts up again, they may have difficulties drawing down all their funds on time. Stay tuned to Ed Money Watch as we continue to track these funds through the end of the 2011 federal fiscal year.

To download a spreadsheet with data for all 50 states, click here.

Friday News Roundup: Week of June 27-July 1

  • By
  • Clare McCann
July 1, 2011

Minnesota judge orders most services to go dark

California Governor Jerry Brown signs ‘honest but painful’ budget

Georgia committee begins to scrutinize public school funding

South Carolina legislature overrides school spending vetoes

Minnesota judge orders most services to go dark
Minnesota’s ongoing budget negotiations collapsed last night before the state’s midnight deadline to reach an agreement. Without a budget deal between Democratic Governor Mark Dayton and Republican leaders in the legislature, the state shut down on July 1, 2011 – the first day of the 2012 fiscal year. Many government services have been suspended until an agreement is reached. While schools will continue to operate, tens of thousands of state employees will be laid off. Resolving the state’s $5 billion deficit is the main point of contention; Republicans are determined to make up the gap solely with spending cuts, while Governor Dayton would supplement cuts with a tax increase on the wealthiest 2 percent in the state. More here…

California Governor Jerry Brown signs ‘honest but painful’ budget
California Governor Jerry Brown this week signed a balanced budget that includes deep cuts to education, along with other services. Depending on the actual revenue amounts raised by the state, universities could potentially see even deeper cuts, and the K-12 school year could be shortened by as many as seven days. The budget in its current form cuts public universities’ funding by about 23 percent, eliminates a higher education coordinating board called the California Postsecondary Education Commission, and slashes over $2 million in federal funding for the CalTIDES teacher evaluation data system. The budget does maintain funding for the CalPADS longitudinal student data system. The governor and Democrats in the legislature are now working to develop ballot initiative proposals for next year that will raise new revenue for the state. More here…

Georgia committee begins to scrutinize public school funding
Lawmakers and educators in Georgia have formed a committee that will study the state’s public school financing structures over the next several months. The funding formula currently used for public schools has hardly changed since its implementation in 1985, although five other committees have studied it and made recommendations for changes. The committee’s areas of consideration could range from funding for technology to major reforms involving charter schools and other alternative schools. Committee members have been advised by the state’s House Budget Office to utilize the enrollment-based funding formula currently in practice as a starting point for reforms, and to temper their recommendations based on the limited availability of funds for education. More here…

South Carolina legislature overrides school spending vetoes
South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley made prolific use of her line-item veto power this week as she slashed $213 million from the legislature’s 2012 budget plan. That total included $76 million for K-12 education and $12.4 million for the purchase of new school buses. Haley argued that even with her vetoes in place, classroom spending would increase by over $100 million from fiscal year 2011 levels. Critics countered that the additional funding is necessary to ensure students will have smaller class sizes and appropriate curriculum materials. The South Carolina House voted 97-8 to override the vetoes and restored $56 million for per-pupil spending and the funds to buy new school buses. The Senate quickly followed suit. More here…

Net Price Data Provides Only a Limited Picture of Colleges’ Institutional Aid Practices

  • By
  • Stephen Burd
June 30, 2011

As we recently wrote at Ed Money Watch, data from the Department of Education’s National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) on colleges’ net price provides a glimpse on how campuses are spending their institutional financial aid -- aid they provide students from their own resources. But the view is far from complete. The net-price information (the average price students and their families are expected to pay after all sources of grant and scholarship aid are taken into account) for students who receive federal financial aid is available by income quartile only, rather than for the student body overall. As a result, colleges do not have to reveal the average net price that affluent students who receive merit-based aid from the institutions pay.

Understanding how colleges spend their institutional aid dollars is important because of concerns that many schools may be undermining the federal government’s efforts to remove the cost barriers that often keep low-income students from pursuing a higher education. Are colleges using their resources to try to meet the full financial need of Pell Grant recipients? Or are they primarily using institutional funds to attract the students they most desire, including those who can afford to pay full freight without help. The answers to these questions are especially vital at a time when policymakers are considering making major changes to the Pell Grant program to reduce its costs.

The limits of the Education Department data are a result of compromises Congress made when it reauthorized the Higher Education Act in 2008. Under pressure from higher education lobbyists, Congressional leaders, particularly in the House of Representatives, backed down from earlier proposals that would have directed colleges to reveal more about their financial aid practices.

The original House bill required colleges to report to NCES the average amount of institutional grant aid they provide to their students and their average net price, with each disaggregated by students’ family income. This data was to reflect the experiences of all their students, including those from families earning $140,000 or more a year.

The Senate version was much less demanding. Like the House bill, colleges were to report the average amount of grant aid they provide to their students and the average net price. But it did not require them to break this information down by income. In addition, the reporting provisions in the Senate bill were completely voluntary. Colleges that chose to participate were to report the information on their websites, using a model form developed by the Education Department. The Senate bill did, however, require schools to include net price information broken down by income quartile in the admissions materials they provide prospective students.

College lobbyists objected to these provisions, arguing that they “would create a significant new reporting burden for institutions.” While the lobbyists much preferred the Senate version, they opposed any requirement that they break the data down by income groups for all of their students, arguing that schools don’t always know how much students’ families make if they haven’t applied for federal financial aid. While this argument may be legitimate, it’s not clear why they couldn’t at least ask students who receive institutional aid for this information.

Lawmakers took these objections into consideration when they drafted the final version of the bill. The measure still required colleges to report the average amount of grant aid they provide students but did not require them to disaggregate this information by family income. And while the measure continued to require colleges to break down the average net price by income, it directed the schools to include only students who had received federal aid in these calculations. As a result, they were no longer required to report income-specific data for students who received institutional aid only -- which can be a significant share particularly at four year public and private colleges. In addition, the lawmakers struck the provision requiring colleges to provide net price information in their admissions documents.

As we have said previously, the resulting net price data is a start, as it provides a clearer picture of the hurdles that low-income students face at different colleges. But Congress ultimately allowed colleges to keep the veil on their institutional aid practices. As a result, we still don’t know whether schools are predominantly helping or hindering the government’s goal of making college more accessible and affordable for low-income students.

Colleges Beginning to Take on Student Completion Rates

  • By
  • Clare McCann
June 28, 2011

With the United States slipping in international rankings of college degree attainment, policymakers and administrators of institutions of higher education (IHEs) have begun to focus on college completion and student retention—not just student access. To that effect, a new College Board report examines the ongoing efforts by colleges to improve student retention, and evaluates the efficacy of several alternative solutions in use around the country. The report dovetails with President Obama’s own calls for colleges to boost completion rates among their students.

The report, How Four-Year Colleges and Universities Organize Themselves to Promote Student Persistence: the Emerging National Picture, says colleges and universities have not put forward the effort necessary to increase currently-stagnant college completion rates in their efforts to support students’ academic success. Although schools are beginning to address the issue, their attempts have been plagued with problems.

Specifically, the report cites several major setbacks: Schools aren’t giving student retention the priority it needs; the internal analyses that colleges conduct are insufficient; and students, even those who receive early intervention contacts from their colleges to promote their academic achievement, do not receive follow-up contacts from counselors, advisors, or other faculty.

IHEs may soon find good reason to step up their outreach efforts, though. And the authors of the report agree, stating that the “federal and state focus on retention and graduation rates will pressure institutions to improve” in the coming years.

For example, President Obama has proposed a new series of incentives that—if enacted—would reward schools that have adopted proven methods of increasing student completion rates. The president’s 2012 budget request includes several new incentive programs to support schools with increasing college completion rates.

The central proposal would provide $123 million for a “First in the World” competition. Modeled on the Investing in Innovation (i3) competition for K-12 education, it would funnel money from the Fund for the Improvement of Postsecondary Education (FIPSE) to both results-based programs and new, innovative proposals with college access, completion, and/or institutional productivity as their central goals. Currently, FIPSE includes a competitive grant program for innovative reforms to higher education. While $27 million was available for new awards in 2010, no new awards will be made in 2011 due to funding decreases.  In recent years, Congress has also used FIPSE to provide earmarks for member-requested projects for IHEs; although these earmarks totaled $101 million in 2010, no funds were provided for earmarks in 2011.

The First in the World competition would also be shored up by another program: College Completion Incentive Grants. The grants are funded with $50 million in 2012 through the proposed Pell Grant Protection Act contained in the president’s 2012 budget request. States would be eligible to receive grants for demonstrating their successful efforts to reform higher education systems and improve completion rates, close achievement gaps, and expand academic preparation efforts by coordinating high school graduation requirements with colleges’ entry-level standards. These priorities are very similar to those detailed in the Obama administration’s Blueprint for Reforming ESEA.

To support states as they take on the lofty challenges facing them, the U.S. Department of Education issued guidance to U.S. governors in March 2011, offering suggestions to improve graduation rates. The College Completion Tool Kit defines seven proposals states can consider to raise completion statistics. And the federal government is not alone in pushing the new project; the National Governors Association has designed its own Complete to Compete initiative to compile the ideas and experiences of and make recommendations to state executives from around the country.

College retention has taken the spotlight in recent years, both for the higher education institutions serving students and for federal and state policymakers looking to improve global competitiveness through educational achievement. With pots of money like the ones created in the president’s 2012 budget, and new evidence and guidance such as that in the recently-released College Board report, there may now be enough at stake to persuade schools to redirect their priorities to those students most at risk of slipping through the cracks.

Friday News Roundup: Week of June 20-24

  • By
  • Clare McCann
June 24, 2011

New Jersey Democrats’ Budget Allocates $1.6 Billion to Public Schools

Colorado to End Fiscal Year with $325 Million More than Budgeted

Oklahoma Board of Education Approves Leaner Budget

Idaho Schools Could Get Some Relief amid Budget Cuts

New Jersey Democrats’ Budget Allocates $1.6 Billion to Public Schools
Democratic leaders in the New Jersey legislature offered an alternative to Republican Governor Chris Christie’s proposed fiscal year 2012 budget this week. Governor Christie proposed a $29.4 billion budget, but since introducing it, the state Supreme Court has struck down the Governor’s 2011 budget cuts as unconstitutional because they underfunded the state’s neediest school districts.  The Democrats’ proposal would provide public K-12 schools with $1.6 billion in funding, including adding $447 million in funding to needy districts according to the Court’s specifications; the extra funding will be supported by a tax increase on millionaires in the state. Analysts believe that the legislature will pass the Democrats’ budget proposal, which has not yet been written, next Thursday ahead of the start of the 2012 fiscal year on July 1. More here…

Colorado to End Fiscal Year with $325 Million More than Budgeted
An unexpected surplus of over $300 million at the end of the 2011 fiscal year will allow Colorado to add close to $70 million to K-12 public school funding in 2012. The legislature expected to cut the fiscal year 2012 budget for K-12 education by more than $227 million from 2011 levels, but legislation passed earlier this year allows an additional $67.5 million to flow to public schools provided revenues exceeded anticipated growth by at least that amount. State legislators still anticipate cutting K-12 spending for the 2013 fiscal year, though, given continuing fiscal constraints facing the state. More here…

Oklahoma Board of Education Approves Leaner Budget
For the third consecutive year, public schools in Oklahoma are facing deep budget cuts. State formula funding for public school districts will be reduced by 4.1 percent in the 2012 fiscal year, with cuts totaling about $140 million. Additionally, the board of education cut about $400 million from a school activities fund which eliminated bonuses to teachers with National Board Certification, cut adult education, and reduce funding for several student programs. The final vote was a 3-3 tie, with the state schools superintendent breaking the tie to ensure ultimate passage of the budget. More here…

Idaho Schools Could Get Some Relief amid Budget Cuts
If Idaho state tax revenues meet expectations in June, the last month of the 2011 fiscal year, public K-12 schools will receive an additional $50 million one-time funding boost in July. Schools can use the funds according to their own discretion. The payout could be small comfort to schools, though; schools are slated to see significant budget cuts in the 2012 fiscal year, including 1.6 percent reductions in teacher and administrator salaries, cuts that will be upped to 4.2 percent the following year when those funds are shifted elsewhere under new school reforms passed by the legislature. While state revenues are already higher than expected for this year, much of that money is already committed to fulfilling maintenance-of-effort obligations in education and other programs, so further cuts are likely in the coming years. More here…

Using the FEBP Comparison Function to Mine Higher Education Data

  • By
  • Jennifer Cohen Kabaker
June 23, 2011

Last week, the Federal Education Budget Project, Ed Money Watch’s parent initiative, announced the launch of a new version of its website. The new site includes four years of higher education data on federal financing, demographics, outcomes, and financial aid use for every state and institution in the country. These data expand upon FEBP’s already rich array of K-12 data. In addition to providing the data in an easy-to-read format, the FEBP site also provides a comparison function that allows users to compare data for states, school districts, and institutions of higher education. Today, we will demonstrate how users can utilize the comparison function in order to better understand postsecondary outcomes.

Users can access the comparison function by rolling over an individual indicator name. Say, for example, that we are interested in comparing graduation rates among successful public, four-year schools using University of California at Berkeley (UC Berkeley) as our school of interest. All we have to do is navigate to the UC Berkeley data page, roll over the graduation rate indicator and click the link that says “Compare University of California, Berkeley to other schools based on Total Graduation Rate.”

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This will take us to a page that displays all of the public, four year institutions that have graduation rates within 10 percent of UC Berkeley’s 90 percent graduation rate in 2009. In this case, 23 institutions have similar graduation rates, ranging from 81 percent at University of Wisconsin at Madison to 93 percent at the University of Virginia.

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The comparison function also automatically displays each school’s average Pell Grant and the percentage of students receiving Pell Grants at the institution. Interestingly, we learn that though these schools all have similar graduation rates, the make-up of their students varies widely. Only 8 percent of students at James Madison University received Pell Grants in 2009, while 69 percent received them at the Institute of American Indian & Alaska Native Culture & Arts in New Mexico. At UC Berkeley, by comparison, 24 percent of students receive Pell Grants. This suggests that some of these schools are better at attracting and serving low-income students than others.

We can also see how these schools stack up on other indicators by adding additional indicators to the display. Just click the button that says “Change Indicators Displayed” and navigate through the tabs to select other indicators. For example, let’s add net price and total enrollment to the display. Unsurprisingly, we learn that these 23 schools vary widely in both their net prices and in enrollment. The Institute of American Indian & Alaska Native Culture & Arts is by far the least expensive school with a net price of $6,170, and the smallest school with a 2009 enrollment of 350 students. This may explain in part the high percentage of low income students at the school. The Pennsylvania State University, on the other hand, is more than twice as expensive at $16,080; and the University of Texas at Austin is several magnitudes larger with an enrollment of 50,995.

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We can also widen our comparison by expanding the types of schools we include. For example, if we want to incorporate two year or less than two year schools into our comparison, we just have to click the button that says “School Level: Four or More Years”. This expands our comparison to include 163 public schools. This creates much more variation in the percent of students receiving Pell Grants, primarily because community colleges tend to have much higher proportions of low-income students.

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Similarly, we can expand our comparison to non-public institutions by clicking the button that says “School Type: Public.” The results page now shows that there are 857 schools that have graduation rates within 10 percent of UC Berkeley’s. By including private and for-profit schools, our comparison now includes schools with much higher net prices.

The comparison function allows users to delve deeply into the rich higher education and K-12 data available on the FEBP website. This tool can be used to expose idiosyncrasies in the ways in which federal funds are distributed among institutions, or to highlight schools that are succeeding with particular populations. As Congress continues to discuss changes to the laws that govern federal loans, grants, and other programs that affect higher education, this information should play a powerful role in the debate.

UPDATE: Budget Rule May Kill President's Perkins Loan Proposal

  • By
  • Jason Delisle
June 21, 2011

Note: This post has been updated to clarify that the recently released CBO estimate is an alternative to the official estimate and was produced at the request of a member of Congress. It is up to the chairman of the House Budget Committee to decide how the alternative estimate will be used for budget enforcement.

Last month, we wrote about how a new budget rule adopted earlier this year in the U.S. House of Representatives would make passage of President Obama’s Perkins Loan proposal unlikely. The rule changes how budget analysts calculate the costs of federal loan programs to fully incorporate all of the risks of the loans, although the House Budget Committee must request this alternative estimate. We wrote that, as a result of this rule, the House Budget Committee might request a “score” of the president’s Perkins Loan proposal that would show the proposal increases federal spending. In contrast, accounting methods (which are mandated in law) used by the U.S. Department of Education and the White House Office of Management and Budget show that the proposal would produce savings that could be redirected to shore up the Pell Grant program. Today, in an alternative estimate released to a select group of congressional staff, the Congressional Budget Office confirmed that the proposal would indeed increase federal spending under the “fair-value” budget rule.

The president’s Perkins Loan proposal would revamp the existing program and replace it with a new direct loan program that lets the most financially needy students take out larger federal Stafford loans. The current program is structured as a revolving federal loan fund administered by individual schools. The proposal was part of a series of legislative proposals (called the “Pell Grant Protection Act”) President Obama included in his fiscal year 2012 budget to reduce spending on various higher education programs and move the money to the Pell Grant program. Costs for the Pell Grant program have risen steeply in recent years.

According to the fair-value estimate that CBO released today, enacting the president’s Perkins Loan proposal would increase federal spending by $986 million over five years, and $3.8 billion over 10 years. Those numbers stand in contrast to CBO’s estimate of $3.3 billion in savings over five years and $4.5 billion in savings over 10 years based on accounting rules currently in law, and the same rules that Obama Administration used when it proposed the Perkins Loan program as a way to generate savings that could be put into the Pell Grant program. It should be noted, however, that this estimate—the estimate that shows the proposal reduces spending—is the official estimate according to rules spelled out in the Federal Credit Reform Act of 1990. The Congressional Budget Office produced the “fair-value” estimate as an alternative and supplement to its official estimate in response to a request from a member of Congress, as it has done in similar situations in the past. It will be up to the chairman of the House Budget Committee to decide how the alternative estimate will ultimately be used for budget enforcement in the House.

As we wrote last month, if the Perkins Loan proposal doesn’t result in savings, Congress can’t use it to offset the costs of funneling more money to the Pell Grant program. At that time, there was no official estimate of the Perkins Loan proposal using fair-value accounting, making it unclear whether the House Budget Committee would apply the new budget rule to the proposal. With the release of today’s CBO score, it is all the more likely that the House Budget Committee will seek to use the fair-value estimate for the president’s Perkins proposal if it comes before the House.

We’ve argued—as have many budget experts—that a fair-value estimate provides the most comprehensive measure of a loan program’s costs. Specifically, that accounting method more fully reflects the risks that taxpayers bear in making subsidized loans. Fair-value estimates tend to show that federal loan programs aren’t profitable for the federal government when borrowers get loans at terms more generous than those available in the private market.

To be sure, the new cost estimate does address one of the big drawbacks of the proposal.  To paraphrase one financial aid officer in attendance at last week’s Perkins Loan summit at the Department of Education: there’s something not quite right with a government program that “makes money” by lending to some of the most financially needy college students. After all, the proposal should stand or fall on its merits, not its purported profitability.

Now we know the proposal won’t make the federal government any money. However, it does provide a subsidy and much needed assistance to students for whom a Perkins Loan could put a higher education within financial reach.

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